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Linguists Paul Drew and John Heritage were part of a language research movement that used conversation analysis to study interactions in institutional settings. This research showed certain characteristics or elements present across many different institutional interactions, and we refer to them as institutional talk.
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Jetzt kostenlos anmeldenLinguists Paul Drew and John Heritage were part of a language research movement that used conversation analysis to study interactions in institutional settings. This research showed certain characteristics or elements present across many different institutional interactions, and we refer to them as institutional talk.
Conversation analysis is when we analyse ordinary conversation to study social interaction in everyday life. This can also be referred to as 'talk-in-interaction'.
This article will look at what institutional talk is, what Drew and Heritage concluded from collating linguistic research, and the different institutional talk elements, with examples so we can better understand the concept.
Fig. 1 - 'Institutional Talk' is concerned with the kind of interactions that happen in professional settings.
Paul Drew and John Heritage made significant contributions to the study of 'Institutional Talk', a term that refers to communication occurring in institutional contexts such as workplaces, schools, courts, hospitals, and governmental bodies.
Their theory posits that institutional talk has specific characteristics that distinguish it from everyday conversation. These include pre-allocation of roles (such as interviewer/interviewee), constraints on what can be said, the use of specialised lexicon, and the goal-orientation of the interaction. They argue that these interactions follow particular patterns and structures, which are shaped by the institutional context.
For instance, in a courtroom, the interaction is highly controlled, with the judge and lawyers having the power to control the flow of conversation.
Institutional talk is a part of the study of language and social groups and can specifically be applied to the study of language and occupation. This research area looks at the language used in different institutional settings or interactions where there are constraints on elements such as structure, turn-taking, and allowable contributions.
One-sentence summary. Institutional talk refers to the conversational trends of an institutional setting.
Linguists first started researching the concept of institutional talk in the late 1970s. They used conversation analysis to examine institutional interaction for distinctive features that could then be grouped under the term institutional talk.
What do we mean by an institution? The Oxford Dictionary1 defines an institution as 'an organisation founded for a religious, educational, professional, or social purpose.' When we apply this definition to the study of language, institutional talk is the one used in interactions among professionals in their field of work or a situation with predetermined rituals or structures. This could be a marriage ceremony in a church with a vicar or a business meeting at a high-flying marketing company.
The major areas where research was carried out in institutional talk were the courts, education, police, social services, medicine, business meetings, and the mass media. This range provided many different settings where the types of interaction had scope to differ strongly.
To give some context to what we've covered so far, here are some examples of institutional talk:
The interaction in a courtroom has a fixed structure, strict turn-taking rules, and clear asymmetry. The judge has the most power and can decide who takes turns speaking when creating a clear sense of asymmetry within the interactions. The structure of a courtroom interaction is usually very fixed, with people entering court and the lawyers doing most of the talking. The lawyers for the accused and the defence take turns talking and then have the opportunity to ask their witnesses questions. Finally, the judge asks the jury to deliver a verdict.
A classroom interaction would be much more flexible regarding the structure. However, similar restraints on power, turn-taking, and asymmetry apply. This is because the teacher will have the most control of anyone in the room, lead the conversation, and allow different students to speak at different times. The structure isn't fixed as it's quite likely that some lessons will be vastly different from others; for example, the students may have a guest speaker in, watch a video, or be required to do group work.
The vast differences in scenarios such as these allow linguists to carry out a detailed analysis of the conversational conventions and spot any trends applied across the board.
Fig. 2 -
In 1992, Drew and Heritage collated and summarised multiple pieces of research into their theory of institutional talk. They defined the concept of institutional talk more clearly, concluding that it has six characteristic elements. These are:
Goal orientation
Turn-taking rules
Allowable contributions
Professional lexis
Structures
Asymmetry
Although these elements have been identified, it does not mean that interaction has to have all of them to be deemed as institutional talk. As Heritage2 said in 2004:
Institutional talk can occur anywhere, and by the same token, ordinary conversations can emerge in almost any institutional context".
By this, Heritage implies that there are no black and white cases of institutional talk. Many instances of the institutional talk don't include all elements. For example, a conversation may start as an institutional talk with a clear workplace topic, digress to cover more personal topics, and then swap back to the original topic discussed with elements of institutional talk. These elements may also depend on the formality of a situation and the audience.
Here's another example of institutional talk:
In the workplace, you’re much more likely to follow the conversational trends of your workplace when speaking to your boss in a meeting than when you’re catching up with your workmates at the coffee station.
To fully understand this theory, we can now look at each element of institutional talk in more detail.
By goal orientation, Drew and Heritage mean that the people participating in institutional interaction share common goals. They hope to achieve a similar outcome from having the conversation, whether exchanging information, giving and receiving instruction, or even declaring something (as you would in a courtroom interaction).
When there is no goal orientation in an interaction, it can lead to inefficient conversations and even arguments where no useful outcome is reached. In an institutional setting, this can reflect badly on the speaker, often showing them to be unprofessional and uncooperative.
Fig. 3 -
Drew and Heritage’s concept of goal orientation can be linked to John Swales' theory of discourse communities, where he states that people within a discourse community share goals. In both instances, people in these groups share common knowledge or a common interest, such as their occupation, creating effective communicative interactions.
Within the everyday conversation, there are already turn-taking rules and restrictions that apply; for example, we wait for someone to stop speaking before we take our turn to speak. Adhering to these unspoken turn-taking rules shows a person’s general politeness and good manners, showing their respect for their interlocutor.
An interlocutor is a person who participates in the conversation. There are generally two or more interlocutors in a conversation.
These general turn-taking rules also apply in institutional talk but with more distinct rules that consider the social hierarchy within the institutional setting.
There is a social hierarchy within a classroom where the teacher has more power than the students. As the teacher has more power, they start, lead, and end conversations. The teacher also has the power to decide when someone can talk and when someone has to finish their turn talking.
If a child shouts out answers in a classroom without being asked to speak, they are violating the classroom turn-taking rules, and the teacher then reserves the right to use their authoritative position and tell them to stop talking.
Drew and Heritage’s concept of allowable contributions refers to the fact that there are constraints on what someone may contribute to an institutional interaction.
Let's keep consolidating the topic with another example:
If we look at the interaction of a wedding ceremony, there are clear, allowable contributions that participants can make in response to specific prompts, for example, ‘I do.'
Some contributions may not be allowable in this scenario. For example, talking about the weather or the traffic during the wedding ceremony would not be acceptable.
This concept of allowable contributions can also reflect a workplace or institutional social hierarchy. A contribution may be allowable for someone of a high rank to make but not for someone else.
If we link this to Herbert and Straight’s 1989 finding that compliments usually flow from those of the highest rank, we can conclude that compliments are considered an allowable contribution for people who have a high ranking within their institutional hierarchy. As compliments do not flow the other way, from low rank to high rank, a compliment would therefore be deemed an inappropriate contribution from the lowest-ranking person in the room.
In each institutional setting, there is a corresponding semantic field of specific and frequently used lexis. This lexis differs from that of ordinary everyday conversations and is what Drew and Heritage refer to as professional lexis. Every place of institutional talk (for example, different workplaces) will have its range of professional lexis, allowing clear and effective communication among the participants.
For example, in the police force, there is a range of professional lexis that isn't used in ordinary conversation outside of that profession. These professional lexis terms may be known by laymen but not necessarily used by them.
Some professional lexis terms used in the police profession are:
This concept directly links to Michael Nelson’s theory of business lexis3 which shows certain words or topics are used in professional settings such as companies, money, time, and events. He also found some words and topics not present in business lexis, such as family, holidays, weekends, and social plans.
Much research into institutional talk has found that different institutional settings each have different conventions for how communication is structured. This may greatly contrast with how ordinary social conversations are structured, as institutional talk may feature the same specific patterns in every conversation. In contrast, social interactions are much freer and can be easily adapted.
If we look at the interaction of a dentist check-up appointment, it follows nearly the same structure every time, like following a flow chart.
This example shows a consistently structured interaction that is specific to dentist appointments. Although it may have overlapping patterns with other interactions such as doctors’ appointments, certain aspects make it unique to dentistry, such as the recording of the teeth data.
The final element defined by Drew and Heritage as being part of the institutional talk is asymmetry. There are two aspects of asymmetry: power and a person’s role.
Power can cause asymmetry in an institutional or workplace setting as the person with the most knowledge, or highest rank is usually allowed to talk first. They can also hold the floor and speak for longer without being interrupted, or, when they’re not speaking, they have the power to interrupt without it being viewed too negatively. The person with the most power can also determine the topic of conversation, either steering it towards work matters or choosing a more personal subject.
This links to Hornyak’s language and occupation theory4 that the shift from work talk to personal talk is always initiated by the highest-ranking person in the room.
Aside from power, a person’s role or workplace requirements may cause asymmetry within an interaction. This is because their role may require them to talk more.
Some more institutional talk examples:
In a wedding ceremony, the vicar is required to speak more to lead the ceremony, with the bride and groom repeating after them. This can be linked to knowledge and power; however, the vicar does not speak more to show power through their language use.
Another situation where we can see asymmetry, but without power as a factor, is in a scenario where someone in a workplace asks a person of low ranking to present findings to a meeting. This gives them a responsibility that requires them to talk more than the rest of the people in the room for the duration of the presentation, creating asymmetry for that time.
Fig. 4 -
Goal orientation – People share goals when engaging in institutional talk.
Turn-taking rules – Institutional settings often mean turn-taking rules differ from ordinary social conversation.
Allowable contributions – There are certain constraints on what different people can contribute in institutional talk.
Professional lexis – Each institutional setting has a semantic field of lexis used by the people participating in conversations.
Structures – Interactions in institutional settings can have specific structures they consistently follow.
Asymmetry – Institutional talk interactions can appear one-sided due to a speaker having more power or being required to talk more than another.
The talk used in institutional or workplace settings that follows conversational trends specific to each setting.
Drew and Heritage found that the six elements of institutional talk were:
Asymmetry in the workplace occurs when one speaker has more power or speaks more than who they're interacting with, often creating a seemingly one-sided conversation.
Goal orientation in interaction is where the participating speakers aim for the same outcome of a conversation such as the exchange of information.
In different institutions (such as work places or schools), there are specific patterns and rules for language use. Drew and Heritage list six aspects of institutional talk where it differs to ordinary conversation.
Institutional talk is the language used in institutional settings. The patterns and rules of institutional talk can be analysed using conversation analysis and comparing it to the patterns of ordinary conversation.
An example of institutional talk is when people follow specific turn-taking rules in the work place. For example, in a business meeting, the person with the highest authority will decide who talks when and for how long. They can interrupt and then talk for as long as they like.
Flashcards in Drew and Heritage Institutional Talk25
Start learningHow did Drew and Heritage come up with the six elements of institutional talk?
They collated and summarised research into the concept of institutional talk and found six recurring elements that differentiated it from ordinary social talk.
What are the six elements of Drew and Heritage's institutional talk?
What is goal orientation in institutional talk?
Goal orientation is when the participants of a conversation share the same aims for the outcome such as the exchange of information or the giving and receiving of instructions.
How does Drew and Heritage's concept of goal orientation link to John Swales theory of discourse communities?
Drew and Heritage state that in institutional talk, people will have the same goals. Swales states that discourse communities have shared goals. A workplace or institutional setting is a type of discourse community so both theories are in agreement that shared goals are part of effective communication within a type of community.
How is turn-taking in institutional talk different to turn-taking in ordinary social talk?
Turn-taking in ordinary social talk is conventional and allows for one person to stop talking before the other begins. In institutional talk, someone with more power may interrupt when they want without it being deemed a breach of polite interaction.
What are allowable contributions in institutional talk?
There are constraints on what is deemed an allowable contribution in an institutional setting or workplace. Allowable contributions may refer to certain topics or specific contributions that have to be made.
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